Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 50

Kotoku Shusui's ability to gradually transform into a socialist in such an environment demonstrates a higher level of political awareness than others. At least compared to the two men before him, he was a true Japanese; Hayashi Shin'ichi was not Japanese at heart, and Katayama Sen had ideologically broken away from Japan.

However, Kotoku Shusui listened attentively to Hayashi Shin-yi and Katayama Sen's in-depth discussion on establishing a vanguard of the working class and how to develop the workers' and peasants' movement. In fact, many of their ideas were already being promoted by Hayashi Shin-yi, such as using the navy to carry out land reform and establish farmers' associations in Korea and Mindanao.

Katayama Sen ultimately agreed with Hayashi Nobuyoshi's proposition, believing that Japan should unite with the working classes of Korea, China, and even Asia, and not allow the Japanese working class to fight alone against the Japanese bourgeoisie. When the two turned their gaze to Kotoku Shusui, he finally relented and said to them, "I agree with the proposition of uniting with the working classes of Asian countries. We certainly cannot let the Japanese working class feel that they are fighting alone..."

After leaving Katayama Sen's residence, Hayashi Shinji bid farewell to Kotoku Shusui. He strolled around the streets and noticed that Tokyo was much more modern than when he first saw it. Not only were there tram tracks, but the narrow streets and crowded wooden houses on both sides were now being transformed into wide avenues and orderly red-brick buildings. Clearly, with the advent of modern transportation, people's range of movement had expanded, and therefore they no longer needed to congregate in a small area for survival.

In fact, driven by the Tokyo development project, the urban area of ​​Tokyo has increased almost fourfold. This has not only effectively dispersed the population from the old Edo district, but also increased land prices in the suburbs and further accelerated Tokyo's urbanization. It can be said that modern Tokyo is like 18th and 19th-century London, becoming a major hub for the country's transient population.

Lin Xinyi wandered aimlessly through the streets for a while before suddenly remembering that he seemed to have forgotten to comfort his girlfriend. He quickly jumped onto a tram, went back to the hotel to get some things, and then went out to the Ichira family's residence. The Ichira family lived near the former Satsuma official residence, not far from the Imperial Palace, but the place was very quiet, a typical villa area.

After Lin Xinyi gave his name at the door, a maid quickly led him into the courtyard. He then met Ichiki Moko in a Japanese-style longhouse. However, Ichiki Moko was not alone there; Ichiki Koto was sitting there.

Shi Laiqin inquired about his studies and purpose of visit before casually asking him, "It seems you're graduating soon. Have you decided what you want to do in the future? Being the wife of a naval officer is very hard work."

After nodding to Ichira Kotomi, Lin Xinyi admitted, "What you say is true, Madam. Actually, I don't have much desire to serve in the military. I prefer building up Japan to fighting. I don't think fighting and killing can make the Japanese people happy, nor will it make Muko happy."

Ichira Kotomi was satisfied with Lin Xinyi's answer. She got up and asked her adopted daughter to receive Lin Xinyi, while she took her leave. Muko, who had been quietly kneeling beside Ichira Kotomi, stormed up to Lin Xinyi after seeing her adoptive mother off and said, "Weren't you supposed to arrive in Tokyo the day before yesterday? Why did you only come to see me today?"

Lin Xinyi found her adorable when he saw her huffing and puffing, and couldn't help but reach out and hug her, saying, "Is this the real you? I almost didn't recognize you just now."

After a slight struggle, Mu Zi finally succumbed to Lin Xinyi's passionate kiss and stopped asking where he had been for the past two days. After being affectionate for a while, Mu Zi lay in Lin Xinyi's arms, looking at the cherry blossom trees in the courtyard, and said with a slightly dreamy look in her eyes, "It will be so beautiful to sit here and watch the cherry blossoms in April. I hope you can come back from China by then."

Lin Xinyi remained silent. He couldn't make such a promise to Mu Zi, so he took out two things to divert Mu Zi's attention and said, "These two things are not suitable to keep at school, and they are not good to take to China either. Please keep them for me."

Mu Zi curiously opened the box and looked inside. Somewhat surprised, she sat up straight and asked Lin Xinyi, "Is this real? Aren't you still a student? Why do you have this? I heard that only those who have been to the battlefield can receive medals."

Lin Xinyi shifted into a more relaxed posture, resting his hands on the tatami mats behind him. Gazing at the small patch of sky visible in the courtyard, he said lazily, "What's there to fake? Ah, you're absolutely right, the sky looks truly beautiful from this angle..."

After the two lingered for a while, Mu Zi learned that Lin Xinyi was taking the train to Yokohama that night. She bit her lip and thought for a moment before saying, "After you say goodbye, wait outside for a while. I'll find an excuse to slip out and then see you onto the ship."

Lin Xinyi turned to look at her, and for a moment he thought of Mu Zi's hot body. He couldn't help but say in a low voice, somewhat contradicting his true feelings, "Isn't this a bit inappropriate..."

Faced with her adopted daughter's excuse to go out, Shi Laiqin hesitated for a moment before finally agreeing, only telling her to be careful. Mu Zi knew her adoptive mother had seen through her thoughts, and she blushed and nodded slightly in agreement. However, after leaving the gate and seeing Lin Xinyi standing under the tree, Mu Zi felt happy again.

The next morning, Lin Xinyi first bought Mu Zi a train ticket back to Tokyo before having her take him to the pier. Looking at the ships waiting to depart at the pier, Lin Xinyi gently hugged Mu Zi and whispered in her ear, "Although I might not be able to make it back to see the cherry blossoms with you, I've heard that China is the origin of cherry blossoms, so I think we can still see them bloom together."

Mu Zi watched the ship sail away, a wave of sadness washing over her. Someone, noticing such a pretty girl standing on the dock, couldn't resist approaching her to strike up a conversation. Mu Zi, however, asked, seemingly out of the blue, "Do you know where in China cherry blossoms originated?"

The visitor paused for a moment before saying, "Cherry blossoms, huh? They're native to Tibet, China. Miss, could you perhaps recognize them... Am I mistaken?"

Seeing Mu Zi turn and leave without paying him any attention, the man who wanted to strike up a conversation began to doubt his answer. Mu Zi, who had hailed a rickshaw and was heading towards the station, was now preoccupied with only one question: Where exactly in China is Tibet?

After the First Sino-Japanese War, Japan, through the Treaty of Shimonoseki and the Sino-Japanese Treaty of Commerce and Navigation, was able to "enjoy" all the rights that the Western powers had already seized, including the right to send warships to "patrol" and "roam" various treaty ports in China at any time.

On April 27, 1897, the Japanese Navy officially stipulated that Shanghai would be the permanent port of call for two Japanese warships, which would then proceed to Mawei, Shashi, and Hankou respectively. Subsequently, the Japanese Ministry of the Navy further expanded its patrol range along the Yangtze River and the southern coast of China and increased the number of warships, thus creating the Southern Qing Fleet.

However, at this time, the Southern Qing Fleet had not yet established a military institution similar to a naval base in Shanghai, but only an office in the Japanese concession. In fact, this office had a close relationship with the naval attaché dispatched by the Japanese Consulate General in Shanghai, and was essentially a communication and coordination agency between the Consulate General and the Southern Qing Fleet.

Regarding the report on Lin Xinyi, Lieutenant Commander Kato, who was in charge of the office, followed the orders of the fleet commander and implied that Lin Xinyi would not have much work at the office, that he could come and go as he pleased, and that taking leave to travel around the country was also fine, as long as he did not cause trouble in China. Lin Xinyi immediately accepted Lieutenant Commander Kato's offer, saying that he wanted to ask for a month's leave to travel around China. As a result, the report was published in the morning, and he successfully obtained leave by the afternoon of the same day.

Chapter 171 Struggle I

Lin Xinyi quickly went to the French Concession and found a liaison point of the Labour Party, contacting the Shanghai branch of the Labour Party. Qin Lishan, who was in Shanghai at the time, rushed over after hearing the news. When he saw Lin Xinyi, he gave him a big hug and excitedly said, "I was wondering when you would arrive. I didn't expect you to come to me on your own. Where are you staying now? Do you need me to arrange an address for you?"

Lin Xinyi smiled and replied, "There's no need for that in Shanghai. But I'd like a new identity. Have you arranged anything for me? Also, could you help me buy a ticket for the fastest ship to Wuhan?"

Qin Lishan nodded and said, "It's all arranged for you already. Lin Feng is from Lin'an, Zhejiang. I have his identification. As for going to Wuhan, there's a ship in three days. I'll go with you. I'll take you to meet the comrades from the Shanghai branch these next couple of days. They've been wanting to meet Comrade Lin Feng for a long time."

After thinking for a moment, Lin Xinyi said, "If possible, I would like to attend the Shanghai branch meeting first to learn about the grassroots work in Shanghai, and then meet with the comrades in the Shanghai branch. It has been inconvenient for me to communicate with you before, and I don't know much about the work of the Labour Party. I need to understand how the party works."

Qin Lishan naturally wouldn't refuse Lin Xinyi's request, so he took Lin Xinyi to participate in an activity at a French Concession workers' night school and a branch meeting held afterward.

The following afternoon, Lin Xinyi followed Qin Lishan to the Shanghai branch office of the Labor Party, a Shikumen building on Xijiang Road. It was a courtyard house with three rooms, two stories, and two side rooms. The front was a cotton shop, and the back housed the residences, canteen, and also the meeting place of the Labor Party. It was quite secluded.

Tang Caichang, Shen Jin, Lin Gui, Peng Bangdong and others were quite surprised that Comrade Lin Feng, whom Qin Lishan brought, was so young. Lin Xinyi was quite surprised to see Chen Zhongfu here. He did not expect to meet the revolutionary senior so soon.

After meeting with the members of the Shanghai branch of the Labor Party, Lin Xinyi humbly said, "You all must have gathered here for a meeting, so why don't we finish the meeting first and chat after we've done our work?"

Qin Lishan glanced at Lin Xinyi with some concern. After attending the branch meeting yesterday, he noticed that Lin Xinyi's expression wasn't quite right. However, he still went along with Lin Xinyi's words and said, "I think so too. It's more relaxing to talk about personal matters after the meeting..."

Seeing this, Tang Cai asked everyone to sit down and, as was his custom, began the routine meeting. Lin Xinyi sat next to Qin Lishan and took out a notebook to take notes. Although it was a routine meeting, it lasted for more than an hour, covering topics ranging from the cultural and educational sectors to the labor community.

At the end of the meeting, Tang Caichang, as was customary, asked everyone, "Does anyone have anything to say? If not, let's end the meeting here."

Just as the committee members were relaxing and preparing to end the meeting, Lin Xinyi suddenly raised his hand and said, "I have a few words to say, and I request permission to speak."

Tang Caichang was taken aback for a moment. He glanced at Qin Lishan beside him and saw that there was no expression on his face before he came back to his senses and said, "Comrade Lin Feng, please speak your mind."

Lin Xinyi glanced at the people at the conference table before speaking: "Last night, I asked Comrade Lishan to take me to see the teaching at the workers' night school, and I also attended the branch meeting afterwards. So I have a few questions that I'm confused about and would like to ask the committee members: what exactly is the revolutionary program of our party?"

While everyone else hesitated, Chen Zhongfu spoke frankly: "The Party's revolutionary program is: Our country is currently under the dual oppression of imperialism and feudal landlords. The primary task is to carry out a national democratic revolution. The proletariat must help the bourgeoisie overthrow imperialist oppression and feudal landlord rule, and establish a genuine democratic republic. Is there any problem with that, Comrade Lin Feng?"

Lin Xinyi finally understood where the problem lay: Tian Junyi and the others had taken a slight step back on the revolutionary program and had not insisted on the proletariat's leadership over the revolution. Of course, this was mainly due to the fact that there were very few worker party members in the early days of the party's founding.

He nonchalantly skipped over the questioning of the revolutionary program, instead stating: "Yes, the Party's current task is to oppose imperialism and feudalism and establish a democratic republic. So, what should the Party use to accomplish this task?"

While the others hesitated, Qin Lishan finally spoke up: "The path advocated by the Party is to propagate its propositions through public opinion, then lead the masses in struggle, and finally seize power through violent revolution.

Lin Xinyi immediately replied: "Whether it's propaganda, struggle, or violent revolution, the Party's basic work focuses on only one thing: participating in political activities and mobilizing the masses to participate in political activities. So where does the key to the Party's political activities and mobilizing the masses to participate in political activities lie? Isn't it in the branch meetings where the Party members directly face the masses?"

The most important task of a branch meeting is to solve problems. All issues of struggle and internal problems must be discussed and resolved at the meeting. So, what problems can be solved if party members are absent or do not actively express their opinions at a branch meeting?

Tang Caichang was initially somewhat dissatisfied, thinking that Lin Feng's loud and domineering manner upon arrival was a bit too much. However, after hearing the question he raised, he was speechless. They really didn't know much about how to conduct a branch meeting. In fact, most people still treated party organizational activities as a kind of intellectual gathering. If it weren't for Tian Junyi's excellent work in Hubei, it would be very doubtful whether the Workers' Party could have attracted so many people.

Seeing Tang Caichang remain silent, the other committee members hesitated to speak as well. Chen Zhongfu, however, couldn't help but defend his comrades, saying, "Party members' absence from meetings may be due to personal troubles, not necessarily intentional. As for their lack of active participation, it's mainly because grassroots branch meetings don't have much decision-making power; many things need to be decided by the branch or headquarters. I don't think these comrades really have a problem..."

Lin Xinyi immediately retorted: "What kind of cause are we doing? It's a cause that could cost us our lives. What kind of personal life is more important than our comrades and our own lives? If someone thinks that their personal life is above the cause of the Party, then they should not join the Party."

If all members of this party prioritize individual interests, then this is not a vanguard of the working class, but a political club of egoists. Is this the kind of political club you want?

Lin Gui and Peng Bangdong both agreed, saying, "Comrade Lin Feng is right. Grassroots Party organizations really should rectify their discipline. Since we are going to make a revolution, we can't always be concerned about our own private affairs. If they don't participate in Party activities now, will they participate in violent revolutionary actions later?"

Lin Xinyi followed up by saying, "That's what I mean too. Branch meetings are not only for solving problems, but also for educating comrades. Only when facing struggles directly will comrades truly realize their class interests and ideological limitations, and learn to solve problems according to the environment and instructions from superiors. This will mobilize the comrades' minds and talents, and make branch meetings more practical and politicized."

Without receiving such education at the meeting, Party members cannot coordinate with the organization, cannot represent the interests of the masses, and it means that they have become detached from the Party's political life and fallen from the vanguard to the ordinary masses.

Branch meetings must never become mere formalities, turning into mouthpieces for relaying instructions from higher authorities or sham meetings to appease inspections. Otherwise, the Party will become a breeding ground for new bureaucrats. New bureaucrats are incapable of accomplishing revolutionary tasks.

Therefore, branch meetings should not only execute orders from superiors, but also report the actual situation to superiors, so that superiors can obtain the most accurate information about the grassroots level and make more appropriate decisions…

Although this was the first time Lin Xinyi had spoken to the committee members, it was not his first time speaking at a party meeting. In the early days of the Labour Party, most meetings were based on Lin Xinyi's propositions and theories.

Therefore, although Comrade Lin Feng's behavior was somewhat aggressive at their first meeting, everyone immediately connected him with his theories, and no one felt it was too abrupt. On the contrary, they were left with a deep impression of Lin Feng.

After Lin Xinyi finished speaking about his opinions on the branch meeting, he stopped talking. Everyone breathed a sigh of relief, and the conversation became much more relaxed. However, Lin Xinyi became less talkative and mostly listened to everyone's words without continuing with any more long speeches.

On the afternoon of February 25, Qin Lishan and Lin Xinyi boarded a boat together and left Shanghai. The two stood at the bow of the boat, watching the Bund pier slowly recede into the distance. At this time, the Bund's architecture was already taking shape, with rows of Western-style buildings standing along the riverside avenue, creating a stark contrast with the densely packed wooden sailboats along the riverbank.

Looking at this scene, Qin Lishan felt very depressed. He gently clenched his fist and tapped the railing, saying, "Tell me, when will Shanghai become China's Shanghai, instead of the adventure capital of the foreign powers?"

Lin Xinyi's expression was quite calm. He casually replied, "It depends on the Chinese people themselves. From any perspective, the power of the great powers in the Far East is insufficient to force China to become a true colony. But if the Chinese people cannot wake up and understand this, then not only Shanghai, but the whole of China will become an adventure playground for the great powers."

Qin Lishan pondered for a long time before changing the subject and asking, "Was there anything you didn't finish saying at the meeting earlier?"

This time, Lin Xinyi didn't hide his opinion anymore, nodding and saying, "Indeed, I have objections to the Party's program. The statement that the proletariat must help the bourgeoisie—I think this is creating ideological confusion within the Party. We can utilize them, we can unite with them, but there's no reason for us to necessarily help the bourgeoisie. This goes against the fundamental interests of the working class and will inevitably lead to the Party's degeneration..."

Chapter 172 Struggle Two

Although Qin Lishan didn't have a deep understanding of this issue, he nodded in agreement, saying, "Indeed, when I was managing propaganda work, I often encountered worker comrades who wanted to criticize the country's capitalists, but some comrades within the Party believed that the most important thing to criticize now was imperialism and feudal landlords, and that capitalists should not be included in the scope of the attack, otherwise the Party would have no friends and only enemies. For the Party's propaganda work, this is truly a dilemma."

Lin Xinyi criticized bluntly: "No, this is not a dilemma, but a problem of propagandists not having defined their own stance. Why can propagandists so firmly oppose imperialism and feudalism?"

Because everyone is now directly bearing these two kinds of oppression: the imperialist attempts to plunder, invade, and partition China, and the feudal dynasty becoming a foreign court. If everyone doesn't rise up and fight, they will become slaves of a conquered nation. Naturally, no one will stand on the side of imperialism and feudal landlords to consider their difficulties.

However, capitalism in China was still in its infancy, the bourgeoisie was still very weak, and the proletariat who truly suffered oppression from the bourgeoisie was only a small minority. Therefore, how could intellectuals who had never been oppressed truly stand on the side of the proletariat and understand the oppression they endured?

If propaganda workers feel uncomfortable criticizing capitalists, it can only mean one thing: a portion of the Party's members are not aligned with the Party's class nature. This indicates a problem with the Party's organizational structure.

Qin Lishan pondered silently for a while, then earnestly asked Lin Xinyi, "Since you've already identified this problem, why didn't you bring it up in the meeting?"

Lin Xinyi looked at him and said, “The Party’s program is the Party’s understanding of the current world. If there is a problem with the understanding, then there is a problem with the thinking. To correct this understanding, we must first correct the thinking of the Party members. Where should the Party’s correct understanding come from? I believe it should come from the struggle in the branch meetings.”

If we cannot change the thinking of Party members at branch meetings, then we cannot correct the Party's biased understanding of the world. Marxism is based on materialism, and the materialist worldview dictates that theory should originate from practice and drive its development. Therefore, the Party's program cannot be created out of thin air…

It was a fast ship, so the journey from Shanghai to Hankou took less than four days. On the ship, Lin Xinyi spent most of his time talking with Qin Lishan. By the time they disembarked at the Taikoo Wharf in Hankou, Qin Lishan had been completely convinced by him about the Party's program and many issues concerning the path forward.

When Lin Xinyi and Qin Lishan disembarked, they saw Tian Junyi. Tian Junyi was very pleased to see Lin Xinyi and arranged for him to stay in a quiet courtyard in Huaiyan Lane.

Looking around at the serene environment of the courtyard, Lin Xinyi casually asked, "There aren't any nosy people around here, are there? If they think we're too noisy, it'll cause a lot of trouble."

Tian Junyi said with a smile, "The Economic Development and Urban Construction Committee has rented several courtyards here to use as dormitories for German engineers. The houses in the German concession can no longer accommodate so many people. Moreover, we have also taken control of the police station in charge of this area. This area is very safe now, and the Party's central organs are also located nearby."

Lin Xinyi withdrew his gaze and turned to the main topic, asking, "Have the cadets from the Marine Corps School arrived in Hankou yet? Has the plan to march to Tibet been finalized?"

Tian Jun nodded, but then shook his head and said, "The trainees have arrived, but the plan to go to Tibet is still undecided. Even if we only send out a battalion, plus all kinds of military supplies, it will require at least a thousand tons of ships to transport them to Chongqing. In that case, we won't be able to set off until after May, because the Yangtze River's water level is not high enough right now. If we transport them separately, it will take at least two months to transport a battalion to Chongqing and then assemble them. That's why the military hasn't been able to make a decision yet."

There were differing opinions within the party regarding the personnel to be sent. Some felt that our own people shouldn't be sent; instead, those loyal to the court should be sent, so that we could take the opportunity to strengthen our forces within the army. Of course, the army itself was also debating the issue of personnel, and none of them were willing to go to Tibet to fight the British.

What is your opinion on this?

After thinking for a moment, Lin Xinyi said, "If we only consider the problems in China, then taking this opportunity to transfer the non-revolutionary faction from the army and replace them with revolutionaries is naturally a rational idea. However, I have two questions. The first question is, does controlling the Hubei army mean that the revolutionaries can overthrow the current Qing government?"

Under Lin Xinyi's gaze, Tian Junyi slowly shook his head and said, "Although the Qing government's authority has been greatly diminished, it has gained the support of the great powers in order to make China fulfill its various treaties. Moreover, the gentry below do not want it to collapse completely. What they want is to reform China, not to carry out a complete overhaul, because after the overhaul, they may not be able to keep their current property and status."

Controlling the Hubei army would strengthen the Party's power, but using it to overthrow the Qing government was probably premature. The strength of the two Beiyang divisions alone was enough to suppress the Hubei army; after all, Zhang Biao was far inferior to Yuan Shikai, and Liang Dingfen's military training system was still within the scope of the Green Standard Army.

Lin Xinyi then asked: "If we disregard the question of whether the Qing government could be overthrown, and only ask whether China, after establishing a democratic republic, can truly stand up to the great powers, reclaim its rights and interests, and abolish unequal treaties?"

Tian Junyi finally understood. He shook his head again and said, "No, even if a democratic republic is established, we must at least build Hubei into China's industrial base, then train a million-strong army, and rebuild a navy strong enough to defend the sea frontier. It will probably take twenty or thirty years before the great powers will accept our demand to abolish the treaty."

Lin Xinyi then concluded: "The Chinese revolution cannot be isolated from the development of the world situation. From a holistic perspective, the Chinese revolution can only be considered a part of the world revolution."

Currently, 90% of the world's industrial capacity is located in Europe and North America, while global agricultural output has fallen to around 50% compared to the wealth created by industry. Regardless of the economic system and trade practices adopted by the world, the exchange between industry and agriculture will inevitably be an exchange of the fruits of labor, not an exchange of currency.

This means that if agriculture cannot absorb the labor output of industry, then the scale of industry cannot expand indefinitely as it did in the 19th century. This also means that workers will lose their jobs, and if workers cannot find work, they will inevitably tend towards social change or revolution, potentially leading to an unprecedented civil or foreign war in Europe or North America.

Only when Europe and America revealed the prospect of revolution or war could the Chinese revolution overcome the interference of Western powers, overthrow the Qing government, and establish a democratic republic. However, abolishing the unequal treaties imposed on China by the powers was clearly beyond China's current national strength. This would require more colonies to rise up in resistance, thereby shaking the colonial rule of the powers around the world.

In Asia, the Indian Revolution occurred, with the Indian and Chinese people rising up together to fight for their national liberation. This would not only shake British rule in Asia but also cause the collapse of the colonial empires established by Europe since the 17th century. Once China and India were freed from their colonial status, the people of other colonies in the world would be inspired to rise up and fight.

Why am I concerned about the Tibet issue? Because this is precisely the beginning of uniting the Chinese and Indian people against British imperialism. As long as we can break through in Tibet, the voice against British imperialism will soon spread from China and India to the world, which will greatly advance the cause of independence and liberation of Asian nations.

Tian Junyi had to admit that Lin Xinyi's words made a lot of sense. Looking at Qin Lishan, who was nodding slightly, he knew that Qin Lishan had also been persuaded by Lin Xinyi. The slight hesitation he had felt earlier had finally disappeared. Tian Junyi said to Lin Xinyi, "Why don't we convene a meeting tonight with the main responsible comrades of the Party, and discuss this matter properly..."

Lin Hsin-yi was naturally delighted, so as dusk fell, nearly 20 members of the Central Committee of the Labor Party and the Hubei Branch gathered in the courtyard where Lin Hsin-yi lived.

Although the meeting was held under the pretext of discussing sending troops to Tibet, Lin Xinyi did not only talk about sending troops to Tibet. After explaining the significance of sending troops to Tibet and the necessity and feasibility of uniting the Indian people against the British Empire, he changed the subject and said: "From the current point of view, Hubei will inevitably become the center of the Chinese revolution in the future, because it not only has an industrial base, but also the granary of Hubei and Hunan and the convenient transportation of the Yangtze River."

Wuhan is strategically located, controlling Yunnan, Guizhou, and Sichuan to the north, and Anhui, Jiangxi, and Jiangsu to the south. By controlling this region, the Qing government would be unable to rally reactionary forces from both the north and south to encircle the revolutionary forces. Conversely, by occupying this area, we can defeat the reactionary forces one by one, thereby bringing the surrounding provinces into the revolutionary alliance.

However, Wuhan's biggest problem lies in the weak defense of the Yangtze River. If the Yangtze River cannot be held, the Qing government and foreign powers could easily send warships to strike directly at Wuhan's heartland. Destroying Wuhan, this industrial base, would severely weaken the revolutionary forces. Therefore, defending Wuhan must be placed on the Party's agenda…

Chapter 173 Struggle Three

While some party members at the meeting disagreed with Lin Xinyi's earlier account of the significance of Tibet's military intervention for the world revolution, his advocacy for the defense of Wuhan did indeed gain unanimous approval. After all, they valued Wuhan as a base even more than Lin Xinyi, believing it to be the starting point of the Chinese revolution.

However, Wu Luzhen still took the opportunity to say: "Comrade Lin is right. Wuhan is indeed the starting point of the Chinese revolution. If we do not hold it, we cannot shorten the process of the Chinese revolution."

So why can't we wait until the Chinese revolution is completed before considering supporting the independence and liberation of the Indian and Burmese peoples, as well as other Asian nations?

I am not against the plan to send troops to Tibet; I also believe that protecting Tibet is very important for China. Nor am I against the military plan to invade India, which is indeed the most feasible option at present.

However, isn't it putting the cart before the horse to seek the liberation of the Indian people before we ourselves have even achieved liberation? Our strength is not great; we couldn't even overthrow the Qing government. Why then should we disperse our forces to liberate the Indian people? Doesn't this contradict the plan to concentrate revolutionary forces and incite revolution where the enemy's strength is weak?

Wu Luzhen's opinion was clearly not his own; many within the party nodded slightly in agreement with Wu's proposition. Lin Xinyi, however, calmly countered, "Then where do you think the power of imperialism comes from?"

Wu Luzhen hesitated for a moment before saying, "It comes from an advanced system, strong industrial capacity, and a professional army."

Lin Xinyi glanced at the people at the conference table, then shook his head and said, "That's just the surface. The source of imperialism's power lies in their control of the majority of the world's labor output."

What is the core of Marxism? It is the judgment that labor creates wealth. All our practices and theories should not contradict this fundamental judgment; otherwise, deviations will occur.

Why was Western capitalism able to suppress the entire world and complete its global colonial system over the past century? Because the Industrial Revolution increased labor productivity in Europe and America, enabling people to perform tasks that would otherwise require dozens or hundreds of people through machines.

In other words, although the current population of Europe and America accounts for less than a quarter of the world's population, the labor output they create has already exceeded the labor output of the remaining three-quarters of the population in agricultural countries.

In other words, in terms of labor output, the productivity of the imperialist homeland has completely suppressed the output of the global colonies, which is why the current imperialist colonial system can be maintained.

However, we should also recognize that no matter how much labor output imperialism appropriates, the real beneficiaries of imperialism do not participate in labor. Even within the empire's own territory, this labor output depends on the labor of local workers, not the labor of those who benefit from imperialism.

What does this mean? It means that imperialism not only exploits and oppresses the people of its colonies overseas, but also exploits and oppresses the workers on its own soil. Take Japan as an example. The First Sino-Japanese War appears to be a glorious victory for Japanese imperialism, through which Japan obtained huge indemnities and control of Taiwan and the Korean Peninsula. But did the workers of Japan benefit from this?

In reality, no. Before the First Sino-Japanese War, the Japanese government increased taxes on farmers, leading to a surge in the sale of daughters in rural areas. After the war, the Japanese government did not abolish this wartime tax; instead, it was incorporated into regular taxation. As for the huge indemnity paid by China, it was used for military construction and allocated to the Emperor. This was a victory for the feudal lords and zaibatsu, not a victory for the Japanese laborers.

Of course, the lives of Japanese workers improved somewhat after the First Sino-Japanese War due to the increase in productivity brought about by industrialization. However, these improvements came from the distribution of dividends from the development of productivity, rather than from the grace of the Emperor and capitalists. Japanese workers were still the objects of exploitation and oppression.

After Russia seized Manchuria, in preparation for war with Russia, the Japanese government once again raised domestic taxes, which again severely impacted farmers. Therefore, from the perspective of the Japanese rulers, imperialist wars essentially increased, rather than alleviated, the burden on their own workers.

Conversely, we can also conclude that the more resolutely the people of the colonies resist, the higher the cost of the empire's war, and the clearer the workers in the imperialist country will become of the fact that the beneficiaries of the imperialist war are the emperor and the capitalists, while the proletariat is merely a victim of this war, regardless of whether they are subjects of the empire or people of the colonies.

Therefore, we can clearly see that the power of imperialism is not unlimited; its power is actually illusory, obtained through the exploitation and plunder of the working class. Once the working class rises up to resist imperial rule, then imperialism is nothing but a paper tiger.

For the British Empire, its most important overseas colony was India. Once the Indian people awakened and stopped providing their strength to the empire, the workers under the British Empire would also come to their senses and join us in opposing this corrupt and reactionary colonial empire.

In your eyes, this is the liberation of the Indian people; in my eyes, it is the liberation of the people of Asia and the world. If you are unmoved by the suffering of the Indian people, how can the Japanese people feel that the Chinese revolution is beneficial to them?

In contemporary China, almost no one has yet developed a systematic theory of social development to replace traditional Confucian social ethics. If the Opium War forced the country to open its doors, and Chinese scholars still wanted to adopt Chinese learning as the foundation and Western learning for practical application, then progressive intellectuals after the Boxer Rebellion had realized that Confucianism was completely outdated and began to seek a path to national wealth and military strength through complete Westernization.