Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 157

After a moment of quiet contemplation in his office, Ito summoned his press secretary, Isoo Abe. Once the door was closed, he asked, "What has Shin-yi Hayashi been up to lately? Is the project proposal nearly finished?"

Abe calmly replied, "The plan is basically complete, but Lieutenant Hayashi believes it is not the right time to submit it. He is currently mainly handling reports about the navy at the Mancho-pao newspaper."

Ito thought for a moment and said, "Bring him to see me tomorrow night. I'll let you know the place once I've decided on it."

As Ito gave his instructions to Abe, Hayashi Shinji was sitting in an office at the Kyobashi Mancho newspaper office listening to Furukawa Shunga's report: "...His pen name is Kiryu Yuyu, and his real name is Kiryu Seiji. He is from Ishikawa Prefecture, born in 73. In 95, he entered the Department of Political Science at Tokyo University of Law. After graduating, he first worked for the Osaka Asahi Shimbun. Due to the dissolution of the Osaka Asahi Shimbun, he transferred to the Tokyo Asahi Shimbun at the beginning of the year. Most of his political commentary articles criticize powerful figures such as feudal lords, financial cliques, officials, and members of parliament. Because of his anti-war stance, he is not well-liked in this year's climate..."

After listening, Lin Xinyi thought for a long time before saying, "We can contact these reporters and see if they are willing to accept our commission."

Over the next week, we will have these reporters interview Taro Katsura about the questions we have identified. The questions should be spread out as much as possible so that they do not seem targeted. When reporting, some questions will be deleted first and then re-reported when necessary, so as to form a focused report that targets a person or event.

Furthermore, what are the intentions of the editors of the other tabloids? Are they willing to accept investment from the Navy Department and be merged and restructured according to our requirements to become a comprehensive newspaper group?

Furukawa cautiously replied, "The other tabloids hardly showed any resistance. There are too many tabloids now, and many only have one or two outstanding reporters supporting them. As a result, the public's tastes are becoming more and more specialized. Tabloids without a regular readership are almost all operating at a loss, and those with a few regular readers are barely breaking even. Therefore, they are willing to be acquired. However, Editor-in-Chief Kuroiwa doesn't seem to want to be constrained by the Navy. He hopes to maintain the independent status of the Manchao News."

After a moment of silence, Lin Xinyi said, "Have someone check the financial situation of Editor-in-Chief Heiyan. I've heard that stock trading is popular among Tokyoites now. Find out if Heiyan or his family, friends, or relatives are involved in stock trading, and then come up with a plan. A person who is heavily in debt has no right to bargain with us."

In addition, the sales territories and target audiences of each tabloid should be compiled. Those tabloids with too much overlap should be merged, while those with greater differentiation should be maintained or expanded. Personnel files should be created for each newspaper's reporters and editors; capable people should be retained, and incompetent people should not be allowed to remain…

Chapter 554

Although Nicholas II issued a declaration on October 17th promising to grant citizens personal freedom and agreeing to convene the State Duma, he hastily reneged on his promises as the Russian people lowered their guard and prepared for the arrival of the democratic era. He dispatched troops to various regions to arrest and kill liberal leaders and suppress workers' and peasants' groups, while simultaneously stirring up anti-Semitic sentiments within the country in an attempt to divert public attention.

The Russian People's League, established by nobles, landowners, and gangsters, usurped leadership of the workers' and peasants' movements across the country. The disastrous consequences of the opposition of bourgeois liberals and left-wing socialists to violent revolution began to surface. Workers' and peasants' forces across the country were controlled by reactionary forces that supported Nicholas II, and they refused to launch any violent actions against the government.

Meanwhile, provincial officials began to cooperate with the troops sent by St. Petersburg and began to brutally suppress peasants and workers who refused to lay down their arms. The governor of Saratov Province, Stolypin, was one of the most resolute Russian officials to use force. He not only quelled the peasant uprising in his province within half a month, but also began to send troops in late November to assist neighboring provinces in suppressing peasant resistance movements. Although this action was tantamount to treason without the approval of St. Petersburg.

On November 22, the Tsarist Russian army recaptured Sevastopol, seizing this important Black Sea town from the hands of its people. In Poland and Estonia, the Tsarist Russian army used ruthless violence to wipe out the mass organizations established by liberals and socialists in these regions.

Faced with the Tsarist government's frenzied counterattack, the bourgeois liberals retreated once again. They began to call on the people to regain their senses and express their will within the bounds of the law. Otherwise, it would not be a genuine mass democratic movement, but merely a violent destructive frenzy of social order, which would do no good for the country.

A segment of the petty-bourgeois liberals and left-wing socialists lost faith in the future of the revolution after the bourgeois liberals abandoned it. They believed that the Russian people could not defeat the Tsar without the leadership of the bourgeoisie. Therefore, they advocated accepting the Tsarist government's proclamation, abandoning all violent actions, and expecting the Tsar to fulfill the October 17 Declaration.

Only Lenin continued to propagate the idea that the October 17th Declaration was nothing but a hoax, calling on the entire party to seriously study military matters and to treat armed uprisings with the meticulousness of a creative art form, while emphasizing the crucial role of the Soviets of Workers' Deputies in the revolution. However, apart from the Chita Republic, the Social Democratic Labour Party in other regions was embroiled in a debate over peace versus armed uprising.

The Tsarist army's repression in various places caused the compromising faction in the Chita Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Soviet to lose its prestige. Babushkin, who had returned to Chita, followed the advice of the Wuhan Workers' Party and formed a petition delegation to St. Petersburg to participate in the State Duma to issue the reform demands of the Chita Republic. The main liberal leaders and conservative representatives of Chita were all included in the petition delegation.

After the petitioning delegation left Chita, Babushkin, citing the liberals' call for a peaceful parliamentary struggle in the future, disbanded the Chita Republic's diverse armed forces. He then conscripted a small army mainly composed of miners and workers, and subsequently began reorganizing the workers', peasants', and soldiers' Soviets in various towns. When the Tsarist government violently suppressed the workers and peasants in various places and detained the petitioning delegation sent by the Chita Republic, the Bolsheviks finally gained major leadership over the Chita Republic. The liberals and conservatives lost their prestige among the masses and their leader, and were no longer able to oppose the Bolshevik leadership.

Because Chinese troops were still stationed on the eastern shore of Lake Baikal, the Tsarist Russian army was unable to go east of Lake Baikal to suppress the rebellion of the Chita Republic. Therefore, although the Chita Republic was militarily weak at this time, it still survived. As for the Russian troops in Manchuria, they had already begun large-scale repatriations and were no longer able to take any action against the Chita Republic.

After receiving promises from the Tsarist government, Britain and France were now most concerned about the Russian Revolution. They feared that the collapse of this subdued Tsarist government would lead to a new neutral or pro-German government in Russia. Therefore, the two countries increased their support for the Tsarist government, hoping to restore order to Russia as soon as possible and thus enable Russia to contain the power of Germany and Austria-Hungary in the East.

At this time, German society feared the Russian Revolution more than it rejoiced in the division of Russian society, because Germany had the same social problems as Russia. The aversion and criticism of the Tsarist autocracy by Russian liberals and socialists was even more intense in Germany, because the German Emperor's autocratic power was not as great as the Russian Emperor's. While Russian liberals were still trying to force the Tsar to convene a parliament, German socialists were already openly criticizing the Emperor in parliament.

Therefore, the German ruling class, led by Wilhelm II, also did not want to see the collapse of the Tsarist government. They worried that if the Russian Revolution succeeded, it would trigger a revolution in Germany. Under this circumstance, the Germans, unusually, united with Britain and France and chose to support the Tsarist government.

However, the support that Britain, France, and Germany gave to the Tsar differed considerably in terms of their stances. Britain and France did not actually provide much support for the Tsar himself; they supported anti-German groups within the Russian upper class, who were largely inclined to reform Russian politics.

Germany's support for Russia was actually divided. Wilhelm II supported the Tsar himself, while German industrialists and merchants hoped to maintain the status quo of Tsarist Russia as an agricultural country, which would benefit the export of German industrial goods to Russia. However, they also opposed Pan-Slavism and tried to confine Russia to areas outside the Mediterranean.

The different forces supported by Britain, France, and Germany within Russia certainly created a division within the Russian upper class, but in the short term, they also provided the Tsarist government with external resources to suppress the revolution. Meanwhile, in the East, Britain, France, Germany, and the United States gradually reached a consensus that the state of war in East Asia had reached an end, and each country began to exert diplomatic pressure on China and Japan, hoping that the two countries would reach a peace agreement with Russia as soon as possible.

Under such international pressure, Ito Sukeyuki convened a meeting of four elder statesmen—Yamagata, Itō, Matsukata, and Inoue—to discuss diplomatic issues. Although the elder statesmen did not directly interfere in the specific operations of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the decision-making power on diplomatic issues was always held by them. The Japanese indeed recognized the importance of diplomatic issues earlier than the Qing Dynasty. During the First Sino-Japanese War, Japanese diplomacy was far superior to that of the Qing Dynasty, preventing European powers from supporting the Qing Dynasty.

Therefore, the elders quickly responded to Ito's invitation and arrived at the Prime Minister's official residence on the afternoon of the 22nd to hold a closed-door meeting with Ito on diplomatic issues. In fact, the elders were well aware of the implications of this meeting; it would inevitably revolve around the question of how to end the war. Ito could no longer delay and was prepared to shoulder the responsibility of ending the war, but he would certainly propose conditions for doing so. He couldn't just take the blame for nothing, could he?

Apart from Matsukata, who, like Matsukata, felt sympathy for Ito, the other three elders came with the intention of getting Ito to willingly take the blame. However, the elders soon realized that their expectations were somewhat underestimated.

Ito Sukeyuki convened the council of elders to end the war, but it was clear that his focus at the meeting was not diplomacy but domestic affairs. "...The above is the intelligence provided by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and other channels. You have probably seen most of the intelligence, so I will not discuss the authenticity of the intelligence."

What I want to say is some conclusions drawn from the above information. First, countries are already impatient with the East Asian peace issue. Further delays will only provoke dissatisfaction from other countries towards my country, and may even lead them to support separate peace talks between China and Russia, which would be the worst-case scenario for my country.

Secondly, the internal turmoil in Russia and the republican revolution in China had a great impact on East Asian countries. In addition to the establishment of the Chita Republic, there were also calls in the Korean region to end the monarchy and establish a people's republic. Some intellectuals in our country were also affected and launched verbal attacks on the emperor system and the feudal politics.

Therefore, in order to win the understanding of the international community, we must reach a peace agreement in East Asia as soon as possible; in order to alleviate the dissatisfaction of the domestic people with excessive taxes, we also need to implement certain social reforms and develop the economy to reduce public discontent.

Therefore, I advocate establishing an East Asian security conference with China, Russia, and South Korea, reducing military spending by all parties to lower the risk of hostility in East Asia, signing a peace agreement as soon as possible, and shifting the government's focus from foreign affairs to domestic affairs…”

Yamagata Aritomo had to interrupt Ito's speech, "I don't object to signing a peace agreement to end the war as soon as possible. However, I absolutely cannot agree to the reduction of military equipment. This would undoubtedly place the empire's security on the voluntary consent of other countries. There's no such thing as a free lunch. After this defeat, the Russians will surely seek revenge against us, and the Chinese, having boosted their morale through this battle, will surely strive to re-establish their status as a major power in East Asia. South Korea, what right does South Korea have to participate in this international conference as an independent nation…?"

Yamagata seemed overly agitated. However, in Yamagata's view, Ito's aggressive remarks were an attack by the Navy on the Army. The Army was still trying to maintain the status of the military, but the Navy, as a member of the military, was trying to side with the government to reduce the military's power. What else could this be but an attack?

However, the three elders, Ito, Inoue, and Matsukata, did not agree with Yamagata's view. Inoue and Matsukata, from a fiscal standpoint, believed that postwar reduction of military spending would be beneficial to economic recovery. After all, Japan's national debt had now exceeded 17 billion yen, and the principal and interest payments required each year were close to 100 million yen. This meant that in order to maintain national finances, it was necessary to fix the temporary taxes that had been added during the war, which would inevitably cause public dissatisfaction.

Prime Minister Ito, standing on the government's side, demanded that the military reduce its armaments. This was based on the consensus among politicians, as Ito advocated for a joint reduction in armaments for the army and navy, not just the army alone. For the sake of the nation's financial health, the two elder statesmen believed that Yamagata should persuade the army to accept the government's decision to downsize.

Ito also sided with Ito. His view on the troop reduction wasn't solely based on the health of the national finances, but rather on the immense prestige the war had bestowed upon the military, which made him wary. Ito had always advocated for a constitutional system, meaning all political activities should be within the bounds of the constitution. This was also the starting point for his formation of the Seiyukai to break away from the feudal cliques.

After Ito distanced himself from the clan politics, bureaucrats with clan backgrounds concentrated around Yamagata. This allowed Yamagata, whose influence was previously mainly in the military, to expand his influence into the government. Ito believed that the Choshu clan, represented by Yamagata, had crossed political lines. He could tolerate Yamagata building personal prestige in the army, but he could not accept Yamagata gaining strong support in the government. This would allow Yamagata's faction to dominate the government and threaten the constitutional state he had been striving to build.

Those newspapers that vehemently criticized the feudal cliques and the Yamagata group only enjoyed this freedom of speech under Ito's protection. In fact, before the outbreak of the war, Ito had already resolved to abolish the Genro politics, because the Genro politics had no place in the constitution. The Genro politics was a special form of coordinating national politics by the powerful Satsuma-Choshu faction. With the constitution being formed and accepted by the people, Ito felt it was time for the Genro politics to end.

However, Ito's political ideals were difficult to gain the approval of the other elders. It was with their support that Yamagata not only forced Ito to withdraw from the Seiyukai, but also created trouble for him within the Privy Council, making it difficult for the Privy Council to replace the elders as the Emperor's advisory body. The elders' greatest authority lay in the position of advisor, simply put, the power to recommend the Prime Minister. Ito hoped to transfer this power to the Privy Council, a view even his staunch ally, Inoue Kaoru, opposed.

For Ito, Ito's suggestion to reduce military equipment was like a windfall. The navy's voluntary reduction of military equipment marked the beginning of a good relationship between the military and the government.

Faced with the one-sided situation at the meeting, Yamagata still couldn't believe that Ito was truly acting out of public interest when he suggested reducing the army. He questioned him with suspicion, "Mr. Ito, you wouldn't be thinking of using this suggestion to create a reason for your resignation, would you?"

Ito Sukeyuki paused, then blushed deeply as he picked up the wooden box beside him and said, “If it were merely to create a reason for my resignation, would I have gone to such lengths to have this postwar economic reconstruction plan compiled? If Lord Yamagata insists on obstructing the government's decision, then I have no choice but to request His Majesty's judgment. Whether my suggestion was made with public interest or private gain is a matter for His Majesty to decide; no one else has that right…”

Faced with the thick plan presented by Ito Sukeyuki, Yamagata began to believe that the other party was probably serious. There was no need to create such a massive economic development plan simply to reduce military spending; it couldn't possibly be completed by a few people in a few months. Of course, Yamagata didn't know that someone could simply copy the Keihin Industrial Zone plan from later generations and expand it to fit the style of the era.

Ito's series of moves caught Yamagata off guard. Aside from the defense and security aspect, Yamagata was unprepared to refute Ito's arguments on political and economic fronts. For example, regarding the Northeast Asian Security Conference, aside from opposing South Korea's inclusion, he didn't have much objection to achieving security mutual trust with China and Russia, as this would allow Japan to better understand the composition of Chinese and Russian armed forces in Manchuria and the Far East, which would clearly benefit the security of the Korean Peninsula.

As for the domestic economic development plan, both Matsukata and Inoue thought the plan was excellent. The only drawback was that the investment in infrastructure was too large. However, if it was based on reducing the number of troops, it was worth a try. Moreover, large-scale infrastructure construction could absorb retired soldiers, which would ensure the stability of rural order. The two thought it was feasible.

Yamagata could only offer firm opposition, unable to refute Ito logically, and the meeting ultimately ended inconclusively. However, the elder statesmen understood that this was not the end but the beginning. The key was for Ito to present his proposal to the Imperial Household. Ito probably knew that this meeting was unlikely to yield any conclusions; he had only convened it out of respect for the elder statesmen's political system, with the real purpose being the subsequent presentation of his proposal.

If Yamagata cannot persuade the Emperor and other elder statesmen to support him at the upcoming Imperial Conference, the army will have no choice but to accept the decision to reduce its troop strength. Therefore, the time before the Imperial Conference is Yamagata's last chance to salvage the situation.

However, the military and political cadres of the Yamagata faction were simply unable to find a solution in such a short time. Apart from complaining about Prime Minister Ito and the Navy, they could not come up with an economic development plan that could replace the reduction of the military.

Katsura Taro and Sone Arasuke even privately believed that Ito Sukeyuki's reform strategies for domestic politics and economy were indeed in line with actual needs, and that even if the army came to power and formed a cabinet, these reform policies should still be promoted.

After the meeting, while Ito was impressed by Ito's political performance, he still commented to his confidant and son-in-law, Kenzumi Suematsu: "Judging from Ito's past performance, if he truly had such great political ambitions, he should have shown them when he became prime minister. There's no reason for him to suddenly become ambitious when he's about to step down. Go and investigate who's behind this reform plan..."

Chapter 555

Sitting in the small theater, watching the puppet show on stage, Lin Xinyi realized that the so-called "human-shaped Joruri" was actually a puppet show; the "human-shaped" figures were puppets, and the "Joruri" were storytellers accompanied by shamisen music. However, compared to Noh, which represents aristocratic art, he could accept the puppet show in front of him more; at least the rhythm was more suitable for ordinary people.

Ichiro Muko sat next to Lin Xinyi, watching intently. After the performance, she even took Lin Xinyi backstage to meet the two performers. The two didn't stay backstage for long, as the next performance was about to begin.

After leaving the theater, Lin Xinyi noticed that Mu Zi seemed a bit down and asked in a low voice, "Didn't you come to visit your parents? Why are you in a bad mood now that you've seen them?"

Mu Zi stopped and said without moving her head down, "Although they are my parents, I have never felt their love. Of all my brothers and sisters, I was the only one who was sent away. Whenever I think about this, I feel resentment towards them. Am I very unfilial?"

Mu Zi felt uneasy after confiding in her boyfriend. For some reason, she just wanted to tell the man beside her how she felt, rather than trying to appear perfect in front of him.

As Mu Zi grew increasingly anxious upon receiving no reply, she felt her hair being forcefully pulled. She immediately looked up angrily at the man beside her and shouted, "Don't touch my head! Why do you always do this? It's so difficult to do this in public, do you know that…?"

Lin Xinyi wasn't intimidated by Mu Zi's tone, but the pedestrians on the street looked over in surprise. Although there was no shortage of feisty women in the downtown area, judging from Mu Zi's well-fitting clothes, she was clearly not the kind of rude lower-class woman. To openly scold a man on the street like that was just too ill-mannered.

Mu Zi seemed to realize what was happening, and her face flushed red. Lin Xinyi laughed and, disregarding etiquette, grabbed her hand and ran away down the street. Passersby behind them shook their heads and sighed at the decline of morality. Some even said loudly: "In the past, even prostitutes wouldn't fight with men in the street."

Having escaped the scene of being surrounded by onlookers, the two stopped in a quiet back alley with few people. Mu Zi caught her breath for a while before straightening up and looking at Lin Xinyi with an unfriendly expression, saying, "Did you do that on purpose?"

Lin Xinyi looked around and pointed ahead in surprise, saying, "There's a shrine over there! What a coincidence! Let's go and pray together."

Mu Zi finally caught up with Lin Xinyi, who was already heading towards the shrine. Japan has as many shrines as China has local temples. Because China severed the connection between heaven and earth as early as the Three Dynasties period, advocating that gods reside in heaven, ghosts return to the underworld, and the human world is under the control of the emperor, most temples in China are places for people to worship gods and spirits. However, Japanese religious beliefs were still in an era where humans and gods coexisted, so shrines became the dwelling places of gods and spirits. Therefore, Japanese gods and spirits are implicitly believed to exist in the world, which makes religious power in Japan quite strong and relatively independent.

Before the Meiji Restoration, Buddhism, a foreign religion, overwhelmed the various local spirits and deities. The Meiji Restoration advocated that the Emperor was the representative of Shintoism, a living god who existed in the world forever. Thus, the originally diverse spirits and deities were incorporated into a unified religion - Shintoism. The management of shrines also began to be formalized. This is somewhat similar to the development of Hinduism, except that one was created by domestic intellectuals, while the other was a forced integration of local culture by a powerful foreign force.

Shintoism claims to have eight million spirits and deities, demonstrating the vast number of legends about spirits and deities created by the Japanese before the Meiji Restoration. Naturally, shrines, the dwelling places of these spirits and deities, were ubiquitous. An informal shrine might consist of just a stone or an old tree, while a formal shrine could rival a grand temple. The shrine in this alley is probably the most common type—without a priest presiding over it, maintained voluntarily by nearby residents. It's a small courtyard, shaded by several large trees, giving it a remarkably tranquil appearance.

Although it was Lin Xinyi who suggested coming to pray, he only gave a perfunctory bow to the shrine and then began to admire the scenery inside. Mu Zi, on the other hand, sincerely washed her hands and then bowed to the shrine several times in a proper manner.

After Mu Zi finished her prayers and walked to Lin Xinyi's side, Lin Xinyi, who was holding a tree trunk with one hand, turned around and smiled at her, saying, "Resentment and joy are emotions that humans are born with. What is the difference between a person without emotions and a zombie?"

I don't think your feelings have anything to do with filial piety. Morality is meant to regulate people's behavior, not their emotions. What distinguishes the two is human thought.

To me, you are Mu Zi, not as someone's daughter, nor as Miss Mu Zi as others describe you; you are simply yourself.

Mu Zi stared at Lin Xinyi for a long while with her dark, jade-like eyes, then suddenly narrowed her eyes and said dangerously, "Isn't she someone's wife too?"

"That's definitely possible," Lin Xinyi quickly admitted, and then asked ingratiatingly, "You didn't eat much at noon, so how about we go get some snacks? Would you like taiyaki or pan-fried duck breast ramen?"

Muzi tilted her head and thought for a moment before replying, "Let's go eat taiyaki instead. I know a taiyaki place nearby that's the best in Shinbashi..."

As the two walked back to the main street from the alley, Mu Zi subconsciously slowed down. Lin Xinyi stopped and waited, puzzled. Mu Zi had no choice but to point to the passersby and say, "Look, how can a woman and a man walk side by side? You go ahead, and I'll follow you."

Lin Xinyi glanced at the passersby and said nonchalantly, "Why are there so many rules? I have to turn around to talk to you. Aren't you afraid I'll run into a telephone pole? Speaking of which, the telephone poles in Tokyo are too haphazard. Didn't they plan them out?"

Mu Zi sighed and replied, "There are three electric companies in Tokyo, and they all run their own lines. No wonder it's a mess. You shouldn't be talking while walking; you should be looking ahead..."

Despite saying this, Mu Zi didn't stop talking to Lin Xinyi, and the two of them once again attracted the attention of passersby on the street. However, this time Mu Zi didn't become embarrassed or uneasy. She was ultimately different from a true lady of a prominent family. Although she could learn those etiquette rules very well, under Lin Xinyi's indulgence, she ultimately stopped suppressing her personality.

Tokyo, after all, is a relatively open-minded major city in Japan. Although the two men's behavior didn't quite conform to Japanese moral values, it wasn't like a closed-off rural area where busybodies would come up to question them. After all, foreign men and women also walk side by side in the streets. In fact, some diplomats who had returned from the West also disliked the conservative values ​​of Japanese society, so criticism of certain feudal ethics was becoming increasingly prevalent in Tokyo's cultural circles.

In short, while Tokyoites have not yet embraced these Western ideas, they have undoubtedly come to accept these changes in social atmosphere. In fact, those who are truly complaining about the social atmosphere are not the ordinary citizens living in the downtown area, but the politicians who spend all their time in the Shinbashi ryotei (traditional Japanese restaurants).

While embracing young girls from farming families, they criticize the declining morals of society, as if the reason these girls have fallen into prostitution is not because they have governed the country poorly, but because the people have willingly degenerated and are unable to enjoy a moral and dignified happy life.

So after getting used to being stared at by passersby, Mu Zi gradually got used to walking side by side with Lin Xinyi and chatting as they went. She asked Lin Xinyi curiously, "I see those officers wearing their uniforms all day long, even when they're resting. You and I don't seem to have ever worn uniforms together. Aren't you afraid of being reprimanded by your superiors?"

Lin Xinyi retorted dismissively, "Then would you be willing to walk down the street and talk to me while I'm wearing a military uniform?"

Mu Zi thought for a moment, then quickly shook her head and said, "No, if we did that, we might end up in the newspapers saying we're indecent..."

"Watch out." Lin Xinyi pulled Mu Zi, who was talking, into his arms, avoiding a middle-aged man who was walking quickly towards them without looking where he was going. The middle-aged man seemed to think that Mu Zi was blocking his way and was cursing.

Lin Xinyi was furious. He called out to stop the other man and was about to make him apologize when Mu Zi grabbed his clothes and whispered, "Forget it, forget it, I'm fine. Don't argue with him. He doesn't seem like a good person either."

Lin Xinyi glanced at the worried girl in his arms and finally fell silent. The middle-aged man, however, kept turning back to look at the two of them, swearing and giving them a hostile look. Lin Xinyi's face darkened as he glared fiercely at the man. The middle-aged man assessed Lin Xinyi's strength, finally shut his mouth, and hurried away.

However, his recklessness caused him to bump into other people. A girl who looked to be under 10 years old was hit by him, and the wine bottle she was holding fell to the ground. The fragile glass bottle shattered immediately, and a smell of cheap rice wine wafted out.

The middle-aged man not only failed to help the little girl, but also loudly berated her, saying, "Aren't you watching where you're going? You've gotten my shoes wet..."

Lin Xinyi finally couldn't hold back any longer. He gently patted Mu Zi in his arms to make her let go, then quickly stepped forward, grabbed the middle-aged man by the back of his collar, and scolded, "You bumped into a child, and you still blame her for being ignorant? Don't you have any shame?"

The middle-aged man initially tried to struggle and resist, but he quickly realized he was no match for Lin Xinyi. So, he blustered but ultimately cowardly, shouting, "Kid, don't be so arrogant! I'm from the Ono-gumi. If you know what's good for you, you'd better let go and apologize, or I'll make you regret it. Don't think that just because you're dressed as a scholar, you can pretend to be a college student. You can only fool ignorant women, not me..."

Lin Xinyi looked down at his clothes and realized that they were indeed similar to the popular college student outfits of the time. However, the physical training he had undergone at the Marine Academy and his years of field experience had made him much more physically imposing than a typical college student. No wonder the guy in front of him mistook him for a gigolo who would seduce women, much like a con artist in Shanghai.

Lin Xinyi twisted the middle-aged man's arm and kicked him in the back of the knee, forcing him to kneel on the ground before he spoke up and scolded, "What Ono-gumi, Okayama-gumi? I've never heard of them. If you don't apologize to the child and pay for the broken bottle, I'll call the police right now and see if you're still so stubborn in front of them."

The most powerful yakuza organization in Shinbashi is called the Okayama Group. When the middle-aged man heard Lin Xinyi casually mention the Okayama Group, he didn't know whether the other party was just saying it casually or actually knew someone in the Okayama Group. His heart skipped a beat, and his tone became much more polite afterward.

At this point, someone among the onlookers finally called out the middle-aged man's name and advised him not to continue resisting, arguing that if the police came, it wouldn't just be him who lost face. Persuaded by this acquaintance, the middle-aged man finally took out money to compensate the little girl, and then slunk away from the crowd.

Lin Xinyi stepped forward to thank the passerby who had spoken up for him, but the passerby waved his hand and said, "What's this? In the past, who wouldn't stand up and scold someone like this? It's just that there are too many outsiders, and everyone has become indifferent, completely lacking the spirit of mutual assistance among neighbors. Young man, I think you'd better leave with your wife quickly; Noda isn't a man who follows the rules..."

Lin Xinyi thanked the other party, but when he saw that the little girl had cut her hand when she fell, he still accompanied Mu Zi and others to a small clinic for simple cleaning and bandaging. The doctor at the small clinic happened to know the little girl, and while treating the little girl's wound, he mentioned her unfortunate background.

It turns out the little girl was an illegitimate child, born from an affair between a musician and a restaurant waitress. The musician was fired because of this, and the waitress died two years after giving birth. The restaurant owner, who was also the woman's relative, did not want to take in the illegitimate child, so he returned her to her biological father, Takaoka.

However, Takaoka is an alcoholic and gambler, and his family has little wealth. The girl has not had a good life with her father either. A few days ago, Takaoka injured his hand in a gambling fight, so he can no longer play the shamisen and can only make ends meet by borrowing money. It is said that Takaoka is looking everywhere to sell his daughter to pay off his debts, and he is even willing to let her be the old man's concubine, as long as he is paid a high price.

After hearing the little girl's story, Mu Zi visibly became somber. At her insistence, Lin Xinyi accompanied her to take the little girl home. It was an extremely dilapidated two-bedroom apartment. One room had a mud floor, and although the other had wooden planks, many parts of it were rotten and broken. This was probably the poorest family in Tokyo, only slightly better off than a homeless person.

Although in Lin Xinyi's memory, the houses in the rural areas of Nagano were also quite small and dirty, at least Nagano was located in the mountains, and as long as the farmers were still able to work, they could go to the mountains to cut down trees and repair their houses. In contrast, there were no unclaimed trees in Tokyo, and even if the poor wanted to do their labor, they could not find trees to cut down and could only spend money to buy timber. As a result, the houses of the lower-class families in Tokyo were actually more dilapidated than those of the farmers in the rural areas of Nagano.

Lin Xinyi left some money for the little girl's father. Although he didn't think the father would spend it on his daughter, at least it would prevent him from scolding her for breaking the bottle. Lin Xinyi then took Mu Zi and left the little girl's house. As they left, the little girl stood at the door. Although she didn't plead, her eyes held a longing for him to take her with him.

Mu Zi looked back several times until she left the alley. After a long silence, she asked Lin Xinyi, "Do you think her father would really sell her to the old man as a concubine?"

After a few seconds of contemplation, Lin Xinyi replied, "An ancient Chinese saying goes: 'When the granaries are full, people know etiquette; when they are well-fed and clothed, they know honor and shame.' This means that the poor cannot afford to talk about morality; their priority is how to survive. The key point is not whether her father would do such a thing, but whether families like this have any other way out. Which of the country girls in Tokyo brothels wasn't sold to Tokyo by their families because of one kind or another?"

Mu Zi walked forward silently for a while, then couldn't help but ask, "Didn't they say that once the Meiji Restoration succeeded and the country became strong, Japan would become a civilized nation? In a civilized Japan, would so many families still need to sell their daughters to make a living?"

Lin Xinyi sighed and said, "Yes, it's been 40 years since the Meiji Restoration. Japan defeated great powers like China and Russia, but peasants still had to sell their daughters to pay taxes. Wasn't the glory of the Japanese Empire built on the blood and tears of the lower classes? If we want to link the happiness of the people with the prosperity of the nation, we must first ask to whom this nation truly belongs. It's truly laughable that slaves are proud of their slave owners' country, but perhaps that's exactly what the slave owners want..."

For the first time, Mu Zi found Lin Xinyi's assessment of the country less offensive. Before this, although she had followed Lin Xinyi's views, it was merely out of a habit formed since childhood, not because she truly agreed with his words. After all, the people she had encountered in the past were all righteous individuals who placed the country above all else.

Mu Zi silently reached out and took Lin Xinyi's arm, saying softly, "Take me home, I don't want to eat anything."

Chapter 556

After having dinner at the Ichiro family's house, I realized that marriage during the Meiji period was much more tolerant than during the Edo period, though this tolerance was mainly reflected in the treatment of men. During the Edo period, social classes were rigid, so marriage was strictly forbidden between the noble and the commoner. However, the Meiji Restoration transformed a large number of rural samurai into the new elite, while traditional noble families declined during this drastic social upheaval. To preserve their social standing, arranging marriages between their families and talented young men became a common practice during the Meiji period.

For talented young people like Lin Xinyi, the Ichira family still values ​​them highly. Especially after Lin Xinyi left Saigo, he was still valued by Ito Genro, which made him receive more attention from the Ichira family. This is also the key to why Ichira Kiko can enjoy a certain degree of freedom in the Ichira family. After all, in an era where 16-year-olds could get married, 24-year-old Kiko was already considered an older unmarried woman.

If Lin Xinyi wasn't that important to the Shi Lai family, they wouldn't have let Mu Zi wait for his return after investing so much in her. Therefore, after Lin Xinyi returned and promised to propose marriage to Madam Shi Lai, she treated him as her prospective son-in-law and stopped strictly controlling their relationship as before.

The Meiji period continued the matchmaking system of the Edo period, but placed even greater emphasis on the status of the matchmaker. The matchmaker's visit to propose marriage was more important than the wedding itself, because marriage in this era did not value the wishes of the couple, but rather saw it as a connection between two families.

After Lin Xinyi understood this, he realized that he couldn't just find anyone to act as a matchmaker to propose marriage; that would be tantamount to humiliating the Shilai family. He initially wanted to find Togo Masamichi, whom he knew well, to be the matchmaker, and Togo readily agreed. However, Ito, who had heard about it, quickly stopped him because Togo Masamichi wasn't from Satsuma, and Lin Xinyi should focus on his work and not be distracted at this time. Thus, the marriage was postponed again.

However, with Ito Sukeyuki speaking up, the Ichiki family naturally expressed their understanding. Lin Xinyi then began to plan where they would live after the marriage. Generally speaking, in marriages like theirs, the bride's family would provide a dowry and support living expenses for 10-15 years, allowing the groom to focus on climbing the social ladder without distractions.

Such support is, of course, not without cost. Once the man reaches a high position, it's time for him to repay the woman's family. Zaibatsu families like Mitsui and Mitsubishi have achieved this by exchanging favors with powerful figures through marriage, reaping returns dozens or even hundreds of times greater.

Behind the Ichiki family were not only the Saigo family, but also the Shimazu family. Hayashi Shin'ichi did not want to become a shadow of the Satsuma Domain, and naturally, he did not want to rely on his wife's dowry for a living. For him, the problem wasn't actually that significant. When he was ordered to establish the cultural department, he was essentially promoted from a junior officer to a mid-level officer. Mid-level officers in the Japanese army generally didn't have financial problems unless their family burdens were extremely heavy. Aside from supporting his sister's family, Hayashi Shin'ichi had virtually no other burdens; his salary was more than enough to support a family.

In fact, his legitimate sources of income consist of three parts: his military salary; an annuity granted as a form of commendation by the Emperor; and a stipend transferred from Ogawa Heikichi, which is essentially a subsidy from Ito Hirobumi; the latter is even more than the sum of the first two. Buying a plot of land in a mid-range area of ​​Tokyo and building an ordinary house would cost about one or two thousand yen, and even using red bricks as building materials, it wouldn't exceed 4000 yen. Lin Xinyi's savings are more than enough to cover the former, but slightly insufficient for the latter.