Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 179

After remaining silent all afternoon, Lieutenant Commander Kubo finally spoke up: "You're overthinking it. Lieutenant Commander Hayashi has a bright future in the Navy; why would he retire to go into business? You should focus on perfecting your plan and submit it later..."

Lin Xinyi didn't say anything about it. He greeted Suzuki Saburosuke and then left the teahouse with Kubo. On the way back, Kubo asked Lin Xinyi, "So, the technology reserve you set up was also to strengthen Japan's industrial base? I really didn't expect that something like monosodium glutamate could be linked to the steel industry and the machinery manufacturing industry. However, isn't it a bit overstepping the bounds for the communications technology department to do this?"

Lin Xinyi nodded slightly and said, "Judging from the current work content of the Ninth Section, it is indeed a bit beyond the scope. So I wanted to push for changes to the work content of the Ninth Section before. As long as the Communication Technology Course is changed to the Communication and Technology Course, there will be no risk of overstepping the bounds. However, this work now depends on you to promote it. Taking advantage of the opportunity to cooperate with Suzuki Pharmaceutical Institute, it is appropriate to officially recognize the technology reserve project in the Ninth Section."

Kubo hesitated for a moment before asking, "Isn't the Second Division and the General Affairs Division more suitable than the Ninth Division for managing matters related to cooperation with private companies? The Ninth Division is already short-staffed, and if they are distracted by these matters, they might neglect their main work."

Lin Xinyi tilted his head and glanced at Kubo before saying, "Actually, when it comes to the issue of management rights, the cultural studies department also has the right to manage the technical reserve project, after all, we have done a lot of preliminary work."

As for the management of communications, the main task of Section Nine, frankly speaking, the Navy's communications program is still a costly undertaking. After all, communications is a relatively new industry in the West, and apart from wired telegraphy, which is relatively mature, there are still many problems to be solved with wired telephones and wireless telegraphy. Currently, the Navy's strategy in communications is to follow rather than surpass the West, so don't expect to receive much funding.

Without funding, Section Nine's management of communications was simply a matter of drafting plans and submitting endless reports to the Ministry of the Navy. Whether the Ministry of the Navy would adopt them depended on whether the communications project truly threatened the Navy's combat capabilities; if it didn't reach that level, don't expect the Ministry of the Navy to pay attention to your plans.

Therefore, the first thing Section 9 needs to do to advance its main business is to find resources for itself; relying solely on funding from the Ministry of the Navy is not a viable option. Only when Section 9 can develop its communications business without relying on funding from the Ministry of the Navy will the Ministry of the Navy truly value Section 9's development plan for the communications business.

This is just my humble opinion.

Kubo could only remain silent. He wasn't used to Lin Xinyi's way of doing things. Although he did want to make a name for himself in his new position, he didn't want to disrupt the navy's system. In fact, he had never thought of disrupting the navy's system during his previous naval career. At most, he was just dissatisfied with the orders from his superiors.

In Kubo's view, soldiers can argue with their superiors based on what they believe to be correct, but if superiors refuse to listen, then subordinates have no choice but to follow orders rather than disregard them and do things their own way. However, Lin Xinyi clearly did not think this way, which made him feel that the work in the central government was indeed much more difficult than in the fleet, because in the fleet he did not need to worry about how to solve the problems of ammunition and coal; that should be the responsibility of the logistics department.

However, officials in the central and provincial ministries all like to keep all power in their own hands. They feel that any slight relinquishment of power is an infringement on their rights. That's why people like Lin Xinyi are valued by central and provincial officials. He can expand the power of his department but does not seize power for himself. Isn't that the kind of boss that central and provincial bureaucrats want most?

Faced with the pressures of reality, Kubo had no choice but to abandon his own ideas and begin trying to conform to the working methods of the central government ministries. The afternoon meeting of department heads and section chiefs of the Naval General Staff was, in effect, a policy discussion on the issue of naval professionalization from the previous period.

If the General Staff's initial proposal for naval professionalization was largely focused on discussing it as a research topic, then after communication with various central departments, naval professionalization can no longer be confined to academic discussion but needs to be transformed into practical operation. As the initiator of the naval professionalization project, the General Staff naturally hopes to retain the leading power, as this involves the construction of the naval system and will inevitably shake up the internal power structure of the navy.

However, after much discussion at the meeting, the issues gradually centered on one problem: personnel. If the older, less professional staff didn't relinquish their positions, the so-called professionalization of the navy could not be promoted. And personnel issues were clearly beyond the capabilities of the General Staff Headquarters or the section chiefs of the various central departments to resolve.

After the meeting ended, Arima Ryotachi, Sato Tetsutaro, Akiyama Saneyuki, and Hayashi Shinji gathered in Arima Ryotachi's office for a small meeting.

At the small meeting, Sato Tetsutaro's attitude was quite clear. He bluntly told the three men, "The current head of the personnel bureau, Misu Sōtarō, is inclined to support Yamamoto Kaijō. He is unlikely to support our personnel reform within the navy, as this would directly harm Yamamoto Kaijō's interests. And there is almost no hope of getting Yamamoto Kaijō's support for our personnel reform."

The three people in the office all understood the meaning behind Sato's words. In fact, apart from Hayashi Shinji, the other three could all be connected to Yamamoto Kaisho. From a certain perspective, they were also beneficiaries of Yamamoto Kaisho's personnel decisions. Currently, naval personnel were completely controlled by Yamamoto Kaisho; otherwise, the personnel order to replace Hidaka Takayuki with Togo Heihachiro as Commander-in-Chief of the Combined Fleet would not have been issued.

However, these three still had great ambitions for the development of the navy. They found it difficult to tolerate the obstacles that Yamamoto's personnel appointments caused to the navy. In the past, Yamamoto's personnel appointments were the driving force for the development of the navy, but now they have become a means of maintaining the authority of Yamamoto. This is naturally difficult for the navy reformists to accept. Sato and Akiyama are both advocates of the idea of ​​naval reform, and Arima Ryotachibana is also inclined to the idea of ​​naval reform.

Therefore, when they realized that Yamamoto's personnel methods had become an obstacle to naval reform, they had no choice but to try to remove them. After all, they had come to this stage, and they could not back down now, because backing down now would not make the reformist ideas within the navy disappear, but they would be abandoned by the reformist forces within the navy, and the conservatives within the navy would not be grateful to them for it.

Of course, as long as there was a sliver of a possibility, they were unwilling to confront Minister of the Navy Yamamoto head-on. After all, they only wanted to reform the Navy, not to overthrow Minister Yamamoto. Therefore, Arima Ryotachi tentatively asked, "Is it possible to transfer Vice Admiral Misuzu from the position of Director of Personnel and recommend someone who is inclined towards reform to take over as Director of Personnel?"

Akiyama Masanobu said, “The president of the Navy Academy, Sakamoto Toshitsu, is just one term below Vice Admiral Misuzu. His resume is not problematic for him to take over as the director of the personnel bureau. Moreover, President Sakamoto also supports the direction of professionalization of the navy. The only question is whether Yamamoto Kaisei will accept it? The appointment of the director of the personnel bureau is the power of the minister. It is difficult for others to compete with the minister for this position.”

Sato Tetsutaro nodded in agreement, saying, "Under other circumstances, Yamamoto Kaisho might have considered replacing Vice Admiral Misuzu, but at this time, he certainly wouldn't allow Vice Admiral Misuzu to be transferred. He would at least wait until this round of personnel adjustments stabilized and the naval situation was under control before considering replacing the Director of Personnel."

All three knew that Sato was right. If the new head of the personnel bureau was dissatisfied with Lieutenant General Misuzu's personnel arrangements, then there would be another round of personnel changes, which would greatly damage Yamamoto Kaisho's prestige.

Akiyama Saneyuki said with concern, "But if we miss this window of opportunity and wait a year or two before replacing the head of the personnel bureau, even if he is inclined to us, it will be impossible to make a big fuss about personnel within the navy. In that case, many people will think that we are engaging in personnel struggles rather than naval reform."

Arima and Sato both agreed with Akiyama's statement. They were in a period of postwar personnel changes, and everyone knew that the Navy would definitely make some changes to promote those who had made contributions. Even if a few people were dissatisfied, it was unlikely to cause a public opinion uproar in the Navy. After all, many people were hoping to take the opportunity to advance their careers, so how could they allow someone to remain stagnant?

However, after this period, everyone felt their chances of advancement were slim and began to worry about making way for others, naturally leading to opposition to large-scale personnel changes. This kind of fluctuation in morale is uncontrollable, and it's not something that can be achieved simply by acting in the best interests of the navy. At least, the people in this office aren't naive fools.

Arima turned his gaze to Hayashi Shin-yi, who hadn't said much, and asked him, "Lieutenant Colonel Hayashi, what are your thoughts?"

Lin Xinyi, who was leaning back in his chair, seemed a little lost in thought. It wasn't until Minister Arima called his name again that he came to his senses and said, "Oh, I was just thinking that Minister Sato is right. If Director Misuzu can't be removed from his position in the Personnel Bureau, it will be difficult for us to continue our efforts to promote the professionalization of the Navy."

Director Misuzu served as the head of the Personnel Department from Meiji 26 (1898). Although there were brief transfers, he was in control of the Personnel Bureau for most of the time. Even the Minister of the Navy, Yamamoto, found it difficult to ignore his opinions on personnel matters. If he opposed us, then the professionalization of the Navy would not be able to be promoted at all, because the essence of professionalization lies in putting professionals in the right positions, that is, letting experts do what they are good at, rather than turning personnel into a network of connections.

Therefore, Director Misuzu must be removed from this position, regardless of whether he has any ideas about naval reform. Of course, if we target the position of Director of Personnel, even if we remove Vice Admiral Misuzu, we may not be able to replace him with the person we want. Therefore, the best approach is to require the commanding officer to implement a regular rotation system.

While positions responsible for specific tasks should ideally be filled by experts, department heads may not always be able to select suitable experts. Therefore, the best approach is to implement regular rotation of department heads, ensuring they also gain an understanding of the operations of other naval departments. This way, we don't have to worry about department heads ruining the navy's cause due to ignorance, nor do we have to worry about long-term tenure in a particular department leading to the formation of personal factions…”

Chapter 608

Kabayama Sukenori glanced at the naval system reform measures placed in front of him, but did not open them. Instead, he looked up at Kawahara Kaname sitting opposite him and started talking about family matters unrelated to military affairs, "Nobuyoshi is getting married next month. Why doesn't he come to visit us old folks? We are not just relatives and friends of the bride's side."

Kawahara Yoichi quickly bowed his head and agreed, "Nobuyoshi is still a young man, and he doesn't know much about the relationships between us Satsuma elders. I will make a list for him when I get back and have him visit each of us in person."

Kabayama Sukenori nodded and smiled, saying, "Since he married the daughter of the Ichira family, he is naturally one of us. I know that some people in the Navy have stopped taking Saigo's words seriously since Saigo passed away, but I still remember Saigo's words: the future of the Navy still depends on young people like Nobuyoshi."

Kawahara Yoichi immediately chimed in, "Lord Saigo's contributions to the navy are indelible. In fact, many Satsuma seniors have made sacrifices for the growth of the navy. Although the navy has achieved some success today, it cannot be entirely attributed to the Minister of the Navy. The navy belongs to everyone, not just one person."

The reason the General Staff proposed institutional reform was that, with the defeat of China and Russia by the Empire, the Navy would face countries with strong naval power next. If the system was not reformed, the Navy would probably not be able to replicate the glory of the Sino-Japanese War and the Russo-Japanese War in future competition.

Xinyi is the main proposer of this plan, and I trust his judgment, which is why I intend to fully support its passage.

Kabayama Sukenori nodded slightly and said, "Indeed, after defeating Russia, the navy should find new opponents. In order to defeat new opponents, it is necessary to change the naval system to enhance combat power. However, reforms should not involve sweeping out the old guard, as that would be unfair to them."

Saigo's initial support for Yamamoto's personnel reforms truly disheartened many veteran naval officers. However, Saigo acted out of public interest, so everyone ultimately supported his decision. It's a real pity about Shibayama Yahachi. But now, the navy lacks someone as impartial, selfless, and highly respected as Saigo. If a plan that cannot win over the masses is proposed, it will likely only damage the unity within the navy.

Kawahara Yoichi seemed to understand the implication in Kabayama Sukenori's words and replied without hesitation: "Previously, the naval system was not perfect enough, so a strong person was needed to make a decisive decision to promote reform. But now that the naval system has gradually matured, I think that the reform of the naval system should no longer be decided by the minister alone, but should be put into democratic discussion at the general officers' meeting. Only after fully listening to the opinions of all parties and obtaining the support of the majority can it be promoted."

Senior Shibayama's technical expertise is an indispensable guarantee for promoting the professionalization of the navy. I believe Senior Shibayama should shoulder greater responsibility, which will be beneficial to improving the navy's institutional framework.

Kabayama Sukenori nodded in satisfaction and said, "I'm getting old, and I really shouldn't interfere too much in the specific affairs of the Navy. I'll look at this plan. As for the details of the plan, you should listen to Shibayama's opinion; he should understand these specific issues better..."

When Kawahara Yoichi left Kabayama Sukenori's residence, he felt much more relaxed. Kabayama Sukenori, as the most senior admiral in the Navy, still wielded considerable influence in the Navy this year, even though he had officially transferred to the reserves.

Speaking of which, the current mainstream of the Navy is still the Satsuma faction, but the Satsuma faction is divided into three factions: one is the Satsuma elders represented by Kabayama Sukenori and Inoue Yoshikazu, another is the Naval General Staff faction represented by Ito Sukeyuki, and the third is the Navy Ministry faction represented by Yamamoto Gonnohyōe. In terms of strength, the Navy Ministry faction is naturally the strongest, but Yamamoto Gonnohyōe is also subject to the constraints of the elders.

There were actually different ideas among these Satsuma elders. One group, led by Inoue Yoshikata, supported the Satsuma orthodoxy represented by Yamamoto Kaisei. The other group, represented by Kabayama Sukenori, believed that orthodoxy lay with the Saigo family, and that Yamamoto inherited Saigo Tsurumichi's will, so he could not go against the path Saigo Tsurumichi had planned for the navy.

The core issue that these two factions are arguing about is actually only one: whether Yamamoto Gonnohyōe is the leader of the Satsuma clique or the successor nominated by the Satsuma clique. If he is the latter, then Yamamoto Gonnohyōe must report all matters of the navy to these old men in detail, instead of acting arbitrarily.

However, these veterans shared a consensus: to maintain the Satsuma clique's dominance in the navy. However, regarding how to maintain this position, one side chose to trust Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's methods, while the other felt they should personally intervene. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's personnel reform plan severely damaged the Satsuma veterans' reputation, which was one reason why Kabayama Sukenori was dissatisfied with him.

However, Kabayama Sukenori's tacit approval of Ito Sukeyuki's weakening of Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's authority in the navy does not mean he would choose to support Kawahara Yoichi as Minister of the Navy. Opposing Yamamoto Gonnohyōe is one thing, supporting Kawahara Yoichi is another, and the two should not be confused.

Today, Kawahara Yoichi visited Kabayama Sukenori hoping to obtain a formal statement of support from him. Kabayama Sukenori did not refuse, but instead proposed Shibayama Yahachi as a condition for exchange, which was within Kawahara Yoichi's expectations.

After Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's two personnel reforms, the Satsuma elders' faction was already facing a generational gap. New Satsuma officers entering the Navy were either from Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's faction or from his side. With the retirement of elders like Kabayama Sukenori, the orthodox Satsuma clique's power would inevitably gradually disappear from the Navy. That's why Kabayama Sukenori wanted to protect Shibayama Yahachi and wanted Hayashi Shin'ichi to get closer to these Satsuma elders in order to prevent them from losing influence in the Navy.

Shibayama Yahachi was actually the Satsuma clan's favored successor in the navy, but Saigo Tsugumichi chose Yamamoto Gonnohyōe as his successor, thus marginalizing Shibayama Yahachi. Before retiring, Kabayama Sukenori strongly promoted Shibayama Yahachi and made him an admiral, hoping to leave some influence in the navy. However, the fact that Kabayama Sukenori could only recommend Shibayama also shows the predicament of these Satsuma veterans in the navy, as young people did not gravitate towards them.

Having reached a deal with Kabayama Sukenori, it meant that the Satsuma faction's centrist forces were on his side in the upcoming selection of the Minister of the Navy. If Kawahara could then gain support from outside the Satsuma faction, the position of Minister of the Navy would be virtually guaranteed for him. This "virtually guaranteed" meant that even if Yamamoto Gonnohyōe wanted to renege on the peace agreement, he could still suppress Saitō Makoto's attempt to forcibly assume the position through internal naval votes.

While Kawahara Yoichi was pondering how to persuade forces outside the Satsuma faction, Togo Masamichi also invited Shibayama Yahachi out for drinks, ostensibly to congratulate him on his promotion to general, but in reality, it was to form an alliance with this senior.

Since losing to Yamamoto Gonnohyōe in the political struggle, Shibayama Yahachi has been moving around various naval districts. As Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's authority grew after becoming a minister, the younger generation in the navy naturally did not want to get close to him. Therefore, although Togo Masamichi was not from the orthodox Satsuma clan, he gladly accepted Togo Masamichi's invitation to the banquet.

Togo Masamichi didn't invite anyone else to accompany him, so after a few rounds of drinks, the two naturally became much closer. At this point, Togo made an excuse to have the geisha who was accompanying him leave the room, and then said to Shibayama, "Actually, the reason I invited you here today is not only to congratulate you on your promotion, but also to remind you to be careful."

Shibayama Yahachi put down his wine glass and looked at Togo Masamichi with a puzzled expression, asking, "What do you mean by that, Vice Minister Togo?"

While pouring him a drink, Togo Masamichi frankly said, "Many people in the Navy think I'm not qualified to be the Vice Chief of the Naval General Staff, and some of them aren't entirely wrong. But I didn't expect that there would be people within the Navy who would criticize you for being promoted to Admiral too easily. Clearly, someone is pulling strings behind the scenes. With your seniority and ability, if you hadn't been blocked, you should have been promoted to Admiral long ago."

Shibayama Yahachi's face immediately darkened. Being marginalized for so many years did not mean he had no temper. Before Yamamoto Gonbei persuaded Saigo Tsugumichi, he was Saigo Tsugumichi's favorite. Otherwise, he would not have become the so-called representative of the conservatives. Of course, he himself did not admit that he was a so-called conservative. He decided that this was a complete smear campaign by Yamamoto Gonbei.

As a naval talent who returned from studying abroad, Shibayama Yahachi also advocated for reforms to the navy. However, he believed that the navy's main task was to defeat the Beiyang Fleet. Therefore, the navy's independence from the army's control could be done gradually, preferably after the war, when it could break free from the army's control based on its achievements. At the same time, he did not agree with Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's overly radical personnel reform plan, believing that it would greatly shake the foundation of the Satsuma clique in the navy.

However, in order to quickly free the army from control of the navy, Saigo Tsugumichi ultimately chose Yamamoto Gonnohyōe. As a result, Saigo, who advocated a gradual reform, was labeled a conservative who opposed naval reform by Yamamoto, which created enmity between them. As a representative of the conservative faction in the military, he naturally distanced himself from the naval decision-making center, which is the root cause of his inability to participate in actual combat on ships.

Shibayama Yahachi missed both the Sino-Japanese War and the Russo-Japanese War, which is why some people within the navy were dissatisfied with his promotion to admiral. He had not experienced a real bloody battle. His promotion to admiral was based on his post-war efforts in clearing mines off Port Arthur and salvaging sunken warships. For those generals who had shed blood on the battlefield, his promotion to admiral came too easily.

These rumors had already reached his ears, but he couldn't go to those people to refute them face to face. So when he heard Masamichi Togo talking about these rumors, his face was anything but pleasant.

Togo Masamichi wasn't there to laugh at Shibayama Yahachi. Although he felt that the other party's appointment as general was too easy and he was indeed hard to convince, he believed that Shibayama Yahachi was the only one who could cooperate with him. Therefore, he quickly made his intentions clear.

"Senior Shibayama, I hope to cooperate with you to make a great contribution to the navy, correct the current bad habits in the navy, and let those ignorant people know that the navy is a group of engineers who operate machines, not samurai who wield samurai swords to fight. If we cannot correct their wrong thinking, then the navy's victory today will be the cause of the navy's defeat tomorrow."

Shibayama Yahachi looked at Togo Masamichi with some surprise. He had originally thought that Togo was trying to slander someone by saying these things in front of him. Regardless of whether what Togo said today was true or not, he also thought that Togo was a despicable person who could not be associated with. But Togo Masamichi, who was just tattled on someone, had now turned around and given him such a big surprise. For a moment, he was a little confused about the other party's purpose.

Seeing that Shibayama Yahachi's eyes were somewhat blank, Togo Masamichi thought that the other party had not understood, so he slowed down his speech and explained: "The current atmosphere in the Navy is that officers in the central ministries value relationships more than their duties, and the officers in the fleet are even more likely to form cliques, often using their background on a certain ship to build connections, and they have no respect for technical officers. It seems that only they are real soldiers in the Navy, and everyone else is just going through the motions."

If this trend continues, the navy will become corrupt and incapable of combat, like the Chinese and Russian fleets. Therefore, I believe that promoting the professionalization of the navy and breaking the mutual contempt between the central government ministries and the fleet is an urgent task. What do you think, Senior Shibayama?

Shibayama Yahachi finally snapped out of his daze. He nodded slightly, seemingly in agreement, or perhaps it was an unconscious gesture, but he quickly spoke up, saying, "The Navy is a group of engineers who operate machines. That's quite a novel analogy. However, if the officers heard that, they probably wouldn't agree with you."

"You're right, the current atmosphere within the navy is indeed very poor. I'm sick and tired of hearing the mutual contempt between central government departments and the fleet. If this atmosphere could be rectified, it would naturally improve the navy's unity and combat capabilities. But what do you intend for me to do?"

Upon hearing Shibayama Yahachi's reply, Togo Masamichi was secretly delighted. These uncertain words proved that Shibayama's heart was wavering. As long as he could give a suitable reason and a feasible plan, it would be difficult for the other party to refuse him.

Then Togo Masamichi said confidently, "Through the post-battle review of this operation, we found that long-range artillery battles and close-range torpedo attacks have almost become the main means of combat between the two armies. With the improvement of warship performance and the limited range of torpedoes, medium and low-range artillery bombardment and medium-range torpedo attacks are difficult to use in direct combat."

The improvement of warship performance involves two aspects: enhanced armor protection and increased speed. Both of these capabilities are inseparable from steel technology and new propulsion systems. Leaving aside the issue of armor technology, which is being researched and resolved by the Ministry of the Navy and the Naval Construction Headquarters, no one has raised any objections.

Regarding the issue of speed, whether or not to push forward with a comprehensive transformation of the navy's power system to replace coal with oil has been a subject of considerable debate within the navy. Opponents argue that Japan has not discovered large oil fields, but it does have several good coal mines. If it doesn't use its own high-quality coal and instead wants to import oil to power its warships, where will the navy buy oil when war breaks out?

My view is that switching from oil to coal is inevitable. This war has proven that oil has become the second most important fuel for navies, even if it's not used for the propulsion of warships. Continuing to delay will only leave us behind other nations once again.

Furthermore, with the defeat of the navies of China and Russia, the only fleet in East Asia north of the Yangtze River capable of threatening us was the German Far East Fleet. In other words, the sea route to the South Seas had been opened to Japan, and the Imperial Navy had developed from a coastal defense fleet to a long-range cruise fleet. Oil-powered warships could not only increase their range fourfold, but also store oil in a volume one-quarter the size of coal.

Therefore, the Imperial Navy needed the support of more specialized technical departments and logistical units. A few capable captains alone were not enough to build a safe sea area for the Imperial Navy. Only a fleet with regular patrols and a well-established naval base could demonstrate to other countries that this sea area belonged to Japan.

Therefore, I believe that two additional officials should be appointed below the Minister of the Navy. The first official would be responsible for daily and administrative affairs, the second official for all technical management of the Navy, and the third official for the operation of the entire Naval Operations Department. By establishing a system for the logistical support and technical assistance of the fleets, the obedience of each naval fleet to the central ministries can be ensured…”

At first, Shibayama Yahachi listened somewhat absentmindedly, thinking that Togo Masamichi was overestimating himself, and that reforming the naval system would be extremely difficult for someone of Togo's stature. But gradually, he began to listen, realizing that Togo's proposals were indeed feasible.

Chapter 609

The morning after meeting with Shibayama Yahachi, Togo Masamichi went to the Chief of Staff's office to report to Kawahara Yoichi on the results of his communication with Shibayama, summarizing: "Senior Shibayama is not willing to retire with the rank of admiral. He really wants to do something to prove that he is not inferior to Yamamoto, the Minister of the Navy, but he just hasn't had the opportunity to do so. He is interested in the professionalization of the navy and believes that the internal structure of the Ministry of the Navy should be changed in order to compete with stronger opponents."

Kawahara was greatly pleased to hear Togo Masamichi's report. He divided the Vice Minister of the Navy's power into three parts. In addition to using this to win over Shibayama Yahachi, he also wanted to prevent Yamamoto Gonnohyōe from using the Vice Minister of the Navy's power to oversee daily operations to sideline him.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe had cultivated his power base within the Navy Ministry for decades, making it practically his stronghold. Unless he implemented a major personnel reshuffle after assuming the position of Minister of the Navy, he could forget about truly controlling the Ministry. Even if Saitō Makoto were transferred out of the Navy Ministry, he couldn't be certain that the next Vice-Minister of the Navy would be one of his own, which was his current concern.

However, by directly dividing the power of the Vice Minister of the Navy, regardless of whether Saito Makoto or other confidants of Yamamoto hold the first position, the second and third positions can act as a check on him. This way, Yamamoto, as Minister of the Navy, wouldn't have to worry about being sidelined. Shibayama Yahachi's resume is considered low-level for the position of Vice Minister of the Navy, making it difficult for Yamamoto's faction to refuse. Thus, after Yamamoto's departure, the Navy Ministry will find it difficult to unite against the alliance of the new Minister and Vice Minister.

Moreover, by dividing the power of the Vice Minister of the Navy, the technical and managerial departments of the Navy can be reorganized without worrying about dissatisfaction among subordinates. After all, this is a personnel change resulting from structural adjustment, not a suppression of an individual. It is foreseeable that the situation in the Navy Ministry will be completely transformed, and the situation where Yamamoto and Saito held absolute power will not continue.

Suppressing his excitement, Kawahara Yoichi said to Togo Masamichi with a slightly reserved tone, "I can understand Shibayama-senpai's desire to get things done, and of course I support him. The Navy should have more people who get things done and fewer people who fight for power and profit. That way, the Navy will be more effective in combat."

I think we can formally discuss the professionalization of the navy at next week's general officers' meeting. After all, most of the mid-level officers in various departments support the direction of naval professionalization. We should heed the calls of the backbone of the military and adopt some experimental policies for naval professionalization.

Togo Masamichi was also in a good mood. He and Shibayama Yahachi reached an agreement on the logistics and technical departments as the core of the Navy. This meant that he and Shibayama had formed a personal alliance, something he certainly wouldn't report to Kawahara Kazuichi. However, the shadow that had previously loomed over him had now been dispelled.

As Lin Xinyi told him, as long as the logistics-centric approach can be pushed forward, Saito Makoto and Togo Heihachiro will not be able to block his path to advancement. He can truly establish his own banner through this internal naval reform. In the future, he will no longer be Kawahara Yoichi's mouthpiece, but a new leader with his own path.

For example, Saito Makoto, as the shadow of Minister Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, almost became the successor to the Minister of the Navy. However, after Kawahara Yoichi raised the banner of a new naval route and thwarted Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's strategy of increasing the number of warships, Saito Makoto sank along with Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's ships and had no ability to confront Minister Kawahara at all.

If he continued to follow Kawahara Yoichi's path, people would see him much like they see Saito Makoto. If Kawahara Yoichi's path didn't fail, he could reap the benefits, but if someone overthrew Kawahara's path, he would have to perish along with it. But now it's different. The new path will attract a portion of the Navy to follow him instead of Kawahara, which means he can have his own power without relying on Kawahara's prestige. This is true power.

After discussing the matter of Shibayama Yahachi with Togo Masamichi, Kawahara Yoichi quickly took out a document and handed it to Togo Masamichi, saying, "This is a document from the Imperial Household Ministry. The Army General Staff has suggested to the Emperor that the Army and Navy discuss a new Imperial Defense Policy. The Marshal's Office thinks it is feasible. Please take a look at how to arrange this matter."

As Togo Masamichi picked up the documents and flipped through them, he said, "The Marshal's Mansion? Isn't the Marshal's Mansion the place where the army has the final say? I feel like there's some kind of conspiracy going on here."

Kawara Yoichi nodded in agreement, saying, "The Army probably wants to reinstate the division expansion plan that we and the government jointly rejected by formulating a new Imperial defense policy. After all, they still have two divisions in wartime formation, and the government is demanding that the Army reduce two more divisions. If the Army doesn't find a way to solve the problem of troop organization, the officers and soldiers below will probably start a riot."

Togo Masamichi also felt that Kawahara's guess was probably correct. If it weren't for the issue of the army's organization, the army could have directly submitted its proposed imperial defense policy instead of having to negotiate with the navy. It was obvious that they wanted the navy to support the army's plan to increase the number of divisions.

He glanced through the document and found that it contained nothing substantial. The Ministry of the Imperial Household had merely relayed a request from the Army General Staff. The Ministry of the Imperial Household stated that after consulting with the Marshal's Office, it accepted the request from the General Staff and then requested that the Military Command send personnel to consult with the General Staff on the Imperial National Defense Policy.

This approach by the Army essentially bypassed the Ministry of the Navy and was merely a consultation between the Army and Navy staff that assist the Emperor. In principle, the Minister of the Navy should not have interfered with this matter, because the Emperor had only allowed the staff that assist him to discuss it. The Minister of the Army and Navy could only intervene in this matter with the Emperor's advice; otherwise, it would be overstepping his bounds and making the Army and Navy staff accountable to the Ministers instead of the Emperor.

After putting down the document, he replied to Kawahara, "It seems we can only send someone to negotiate with the General Staff. As far as the document's procedure is concerned, we have no right to refuse. Or we could have Nobuyoshi come and advise us on how to handle this matter."

Kawahara hesitated for a moment, but finally nodded in agreement, saying, "Alright, call his office and see if he's in today."

Togo Masamichi then walked to the telephone in the corner of the office, picked up the receiver, and patiently waited for the operator to connect the call. After exchanging a few words with the person on the other end, he put down the receiver and said to Kawahara, "Nobuyoshi is here right now, he'll be up shortly."

Kawahara agreed to have Hayashi Nobuyoshi advise on the Army General Staff's request because he didn't want any mishaps at this crucial time that could hinder the power transition within the Navy. Kawahara's biggest concern at this moment was external interference in the Navy, particularly from the Army—he had both the power and the motivation to interfere. He also acknowledged that Hayashi Nobuyoshi was indeed far superior to others, including himself, in terms of planning and strategy. Although having Hayashi Nobuyoshi advise on this matter was somewhat against regulations, it would at least reduce the chances of oversights.

When Lin Xinyi arrived at his office and read the documents sent by the Ministry of the Imperial Household Agency, he saw more information than the other two. He said to Chief of Staff Kawahara and Vice Minister Togo, "I'm afraid the Army doesn't want negotiation, but rather to legitimize its defense policy through this process."

If the Army submits its own defense policy proposal alone, it lacks legitimacy, and the Imperial Household Agency can treat the Army's proposal as an informal suggestion and shelve it.

However, now that we have gone through this series of procedures, regardless of whether we and the Army have reached an agreement on the Imperial Defense Policy, when the Army submits the negotiation results to the Imperial Household Ministry, the Imperial Household Ministry must give a clear answer, because this is not a private suggestion from one party, but a formal proposal from the military.

We cannot refuse negotiations, but we also cannot allow the army's conspiracy to succeed. Otherwise, the government will think we have betrayed them, and that the so-called downsizing is merely a bargaining chip we use against the army, not a genuine consideration for the country. If the government loses trust in the navy, then any subsequent cabinet formation by the navy will be meaningless. Given the hostility of the army and the Democratic Party, the navy's policy platform is unlikely to gain majority support.

The army, navy, government, and democratic parties will once again descend into chaotic infighting, making it difficult to advance land reform and the heavy industry center plan in Chiba Prefecture. The navy's long-term plan to guide the nation's direction will also be rendered ineffective.

Kawahara understood Hayashi Nobuyoshi's meaning. The new naval route could gain the support of the navy and the navy could use this route to control the government. If the navy could expand its power, the internal struggles within the navy would naturally ease. However, if the navy could not achieve control over the government, then the new route would be essentially negated. Could he, the naval minister who proposed the new route, still hold his position?

Now Kawahara also gave up the idea of ​​compromising with the army. He had previously thought that in order to stabilize the army, he could first feign compliance with the army, have the navy stick to its own defense policy but not oppose the army's defense policy too vehemently, and then hand the conflict over to Miyauchi to decide. In that case, the trouble would be with Miyauchi instead of him.

However, if such a compromise would lead to the failure of the new naval route, then he would have to abandon such an idea. After all, he was now tied to the new naval route. The success of the new route meant his success, and vice versa. He could no longer expect others to continue supporting him.

Kawahara glanced silently at Togo Masamichi, who immediately understood and asked Hayashi Shinichi, "What you said is indeed a problem. Of course, we can't let the government lose trust in the Navy. However, we have no excuse to refuse the General Staff's request now. After all, His Majesty has already issued the decree. Is there any other way we can think of now?"

After a moment's thought, Lin Xinyi said, "Then we can only play delaying tactics with the army. Since His Majesty has requested that the army and navy staff negotiate, we can focus on discussing the negotiation mechanism. We can find two people familiar with the affairs of the organization to wrangle with the army for a few months. The army can't possibly wait until the new defense policy is put forward before proposing a troop increase plan. We can wait, but the army's budget can't. As long as we get the army to submit its troop increase plan before the new defense policy is finalized, then the government won't think we've gone back on our word on the issue of troop reduction."

Kawahara immediately nodded and said, "That's a good idea. Vice Minister Togo, select suitable personnel to negotiate with the army and drag it out as long as possible. Don't let the army complete the negotiation process."

Togo Masamichi agreed, and Kawahara then looked at Hayashi Nobuyoshi and asked, "Besides delaying tactics, are there any other methods?"

Lin Xinyi thought for a moment and then said, "Although there are some gaps between the army and navy, in the past, when the empire faced threats from Qing and Russia, these gaps did not lead to a complete break between the army and navy. However, now that China and Russia have been defeated by the empire one after another, the East Asian region has become dominated by the empire."

In other words, external threats can no longer suppress the differences between the Army and the Navy. On the contrary, the gap between them will continue to widen as they compete for budgets. The Army's continental policy and the Navy's Southeast Asian policy cannot coexist.

The Chief of Staff should also make some preparations for the struggle between the Army and the Navy. We can't wait until the Army attacks us before we start thinking about how to deal with the Army.

Kawahara and Togo were both stunned for a moment, then Kawahara said, "Haven't we made a move against the army yet?"

Togo Masamichi was also pondering why Hayashi Shinichi would say such a serious thing. In his opinion, the Navy's pressure on the Army was already giving Yamagata Aritomo a headache, and if that was considered not taking action, then did they have to start a civil war before they could be considered taking action against the Army?

Lin Xinyi didn't consider the feelings of the two men, and just said to himself, "The Navy's current actions are all within the law of the country. The Army is in a difficult position because they have violated the law of the country. It was the Army that violated the law of the country first, and then the law of the country reacted to it. How can you say that the Navy did something to the Army?"